International Relations Theory (Part 1)
by Mark Kauppi & Paul Viotti
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People / Organizations: [020520824X.pdf (hostnezt.com)]
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Ernst Haas - Political Theorist (pg. 3)
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James Rosenau - Political Theorist (pg. 3)
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Kenneth Waltz - Political Theorist (pg. 3)
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Arnold Wolfers - Political Theorist (pg. 42)
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Otto von Bismarck - German Diplomat (pg. 43)
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Hans Morgenthau - Political Theorist (pg. 43)
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John Mearsheimer - Political Theorist (pg. 46)
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William T. R. Fox - Political Theorist (pg. 48)
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Quincy Wright - Political Theorist (pg. 48)
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Barry Posen - Political Theorist (pg. 49)
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Stephen Van Evera - Political Theorist (pg. 49)
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Dale Copeland - Political Theorist (pg. 50)
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Robert Gilpin - Political Theorist (pg. 51)
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Graham Allison - Political Theorist (pg. 52)
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Theodore Lowi - Political Theorist (pg. 66)
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David Truman - Political Theorist (pg. 67)
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Arthur Bentley - Political Theorist (pg. 67)
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Harold Lasswell - Political Theorist (pg. 67)
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Robert Dahl - Political Theorist (pg. 67)
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James Madison - Political Theorist (pg. 67)
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Alexis de Tocqueville - Political Theorist (pg. 67)
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John Burton - Political Theorist (pg. 72)
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Robert Keohane - Political Theorist (pg. 72)
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Joseph Nye Jr. - Political Theorist (pg. 72)
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Richard Rosecrance - Political Theorist (pg. 83)
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Stephen Brooks - Political Theorist (pg. 83)
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Immanuel Kant - Political Theorist (pg. 84)
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Michael Doyle - Political Theorist (pg. 84)
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Rudolph Rummel - Political Theorist (pg. 84)
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Bruce Russett - Political Theorist (pg. 84)
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Richard Snyder - Political Theorist (pg. 87)
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H. W. Bruck - Political Theorist (pg. 87)
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Burton Sapin - Political Theorist (pg. 87)
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Karl Marx - German Philosopher (pg. 100)
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John A. Hobson - Economist (pg. 101)
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Immanuel Wallerstein - Sociologist (pg. 107)
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Antonio Gramsci - Italian Philosopher (pg. 111)
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Robert Cox - Political Theorist (pg. 111)
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Martin Wright - Political Theorist (pg. 127)
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Hugo Grotius - Legal Theorist / Humanist (pg. 127)
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Thomas Hobbes - Political Philosopher (pg. 127)
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Niccolo Machiavelli - Political Philosopher (pg. 127)
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Hedley Bull - Political Theorist (pg. 127)
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Dean Rusk - Secretary of State (pg. 131)
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Paul Nitze - Secretary of the Navy (pg. 131)
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F. H. Hinsley - Historian (pg. 131)
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Herbert Butterfield - Historian (pg. 131)
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Desmond Williams - Historian (pg. 131)
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Reinhold Niebuhr - Political Theorist (pg. 131)
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Emile Durkheim - French Sociologist (pg. 147)
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Rene Descartes - Philosopher (pg. 170)
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David Hume - Political Philosopher (pg. 170)
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John Stuart Mill - Political Philosopher (pg. 170)
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A. James Gregor - Political Theorist (pg. 171)
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Moritz Schlick - Political Theorist (pg. 173)
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Otto Neurath - Political Theorist (pg. 173)
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Rudolf Carnap - Political Theorist (pg. 173)
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Karl Popper - Political Theorist (pg. 174)
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Ludwig Wittgenstein - Political Theorist (pg. 174)
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Carl Hempel - Political Theorist (pg. 4, 174)
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Thomas S. Kuhn - Political Theorist (pg. 174)
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Jurgen Habermas - Critical Theorist (pg. 178)
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Michael Foucault - Critical Theorist (pg. 178)
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Jacques Derrida - Critical Theorist (pg. 178)
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Jean-Francois Lyotard - Critical Theorist (pg. 178)
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Quotes:
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"agency matters. Individuals need not be captives of system structure but can in fact influence the course of events. Changing knowledge, for example, can lead to redefining interests. Organizations composed of thinking people can adapt, learn, and innovate in changing circumstances" - Authors (pg. 71)
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"worldviews, principled beliefs, and causal beliefs are ideas that become embedded in institutions and impact the making of policy by acting as cognitive road maps. Ideas define the universe of possibilities for action" - Authors (pg. 79)
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"increased interdependence among human beings produces discord, since self-regarding actions affect the welfare of others" - Robert Keohane (pg. 80)
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"theories should be as simple as possible. Understanding increases by moving away from the real world, not by moving closer to it…ambitious theories aim at producing valid generalities" - Authors (pg. 92)
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"the entire contribution of Marxism to social thought rests ultimately on its effort to penetrate the veil of appearances to discover the hidden essence of things, the web of relations that is the real ground of reality and not the surface manifestations that are its façade" - Robert Heilbroner (pg. 100)
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"sovereignty…can be viewed as an intersubjectively shared and socially constructed institution or normative structure among states" - Authors (pg. 149)
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"a skeptic at heart, Hume recognized that causality is itself not directly observable but merely a construct used by human beings to make what they observe around them understandable" - Authors (pg. 170)
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"[phenomenology] is…a philosophical understanding that leads one to reject claims to knowing any 'objective' reality independent of the human consciousness that, after all, gives meaning to the world around us. Interpretation is central to what we see - a reflective, intuitive process by which we gain understanding" - Authors (pg. 176)
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"whatever knowledge critical theory may generate, it is geared toward social and political transformation. To achieve this transformation, the first step is the critical scrutiny of the current understanding of international politics in order to understand and explain the existing realities of international relations and how they develop over time. To avoid mere idealism - 'this is what the world should be' - IR scholars must explain and criticize political order in terms of the principles embedded in political institutions and cultural practices." - Authors (pg. 178-179)
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"the Frankfurt School turned a Marxist critique of political economy into a critique of ideology" - Authors (pg. 179)
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"knowledge is always conditioned by a particular time and place" - Authors (pg. 182)
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"it is the wrong-doing of the opposing party that compels the wise man to wage wars" - St. Augustine (pg. 206)
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"coping with uncertainty or fortune and the issue of volition or free will are also recurrent themes in later writings on international politics" - Authors (pg. 235)
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"let lies be told where they are needful. All of us aim at the like end, whether we lie or speak truth; he that lies does it to win credence and so advantage by his deceit, and he that speaks truth hopes that truth will get him profit and greater trust; so we do but take different ways to the same goal. Were the hope of advantage taken away, the truth-teller were as ready to lie as the liar to speak truth" - Darius in Herodotus' 'The Histories (pg. 202) [Histories - Google Books]
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"the important point is that…the constitution or political structure and associated norms affect significantly the behavior exhibited by a state and its agents" - Authors (pg. 239)
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"what made war inevitable was the growth of Athenian power and the fear this caused in Sparta" - Thucydides (pg. 253)
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"hypothetical opposites or conflicting analyses are at the core of the critical and creative thinking that is so essential to theorizing" - Authors (pg. 276)
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"law in general is human reason, inasmuch, as it governs all the inhabitants of the earth" - Montesquieu in his 'The Spirit of the Laws' (pg. 370)
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"man's first sentiment was that of his own existence; his first concern was that of his preservation" - Rousseau in his 'Discourse on the Origin of Inequality' (pg. 373)
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Data Resources:
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[Cambridge Studies in International Relations (88 book series) Kindle Edition (amazon.com)]
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[Political Realism in International Relations (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy)]
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[Political Legitimacy (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy)]
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[The Structure of Scientific Theories (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy)]
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[David Lewis’s Metaphysics (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy)]
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[Quantum Approaches to Consciousness (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy)]
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General Notes:
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Chapter 1 - Thinking About IR Theory (pg. 1)
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Epistemology, Methodology, and Ontology (pg. 1)
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"epistemology involves the ways and means by which we come to know (or at least what we think we know) something about the world" (pg. 1)
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"empiricism [is] the view that the only grounds for making truth claims is through direct observation of the world using our senses" (pg. 1)
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"positivism consists of four underlying implicit assumptions:" (pg. 2)
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"the unity of the natural and social sciences - we can study society as we study the natural world" (pg. 2)
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"we can draw a distinction between facts and values" (pg. 2)
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"regularities exist in the social as well as the natural world and they can be identified" (pg. 2)
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"empirical validation or falsification is the hallmark of 'real' inquiry" (pg. 2)
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"positivism specifically endorses the use of formal hypothesis testing or causal modeling as methodologies - modes of research and analysis or a set of rules for the actual practice of investigating international relations" (pg. 2)
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"very often when one hears the term 'scientific method', the reference is to positivism with the focus on that which is observable, empirical, and measurable" (pg. 2)
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"ontology refers to how each of us views the world - how we see or understand the essence of things around us" (pg. 2)
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"the realist image not surprisingly is of a world of competition among self-oriented states as principal actors with different interests and capabilities or power they bring to bear in the pursuit of these interests" (pg. 3)
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"images are general perspectives on international relations and world politics that consist of certain assumptions about key actors and processes that influence our theorizing" (pg. 3-4)
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What is Theory? (pg. 4)
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Explanation and Prediction (pg. 4)
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"theory [is] simply a way of making the world or some part of it more intelligible or better understood" (pg. 4)
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"the preferred positivist method is through the development of hypotheses - a proposition relating two or more variables" (pg. 4)
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"resultant laws or lawlike statements, therefore, allow IR theorists to make at least tentative predictions about possible outcomes in international relations" (pg. 5)
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"the primary research strategy that entails invoking laws in a scientific explanation can be called a generalizing or covering-law approach" (pg. 5)
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"while the covering-law strategy is the most popular for those operating within the positivist framework, there is also a reconstructive positivist strategy" (pg. 6)
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"in this case, no attempt is made to place the phenomenon under investigation into a larger class…the event is explained as the expected endpoint of a concrete historical sequence" (pg. 6)
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"it is the theory and hypotheses or propositions we are holding that tell us what to focus on and what to ignore in making sense of the world around us" (pg. 6)
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"a theory is an intellectual construct composed of a set of interrelated propositions that help one to identify or select facts and interpret them" (pg. 6)
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"to think theoretically, therefore, is to be interested in central tendencies" (pg. 7)
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Abstraction and Application (pg. 8)
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"theories may actually exist apart from facts" (pg. 8)
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Levels of Analysis (pg. 8)
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"the levels of analysis constitute a framework designed to organize and assist in systematic thinking about international relations" (pg. 9)
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Individual
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Human nature and psychology
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Leaders and belief systems
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Personality of leaders
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Cognition and perception of misperception
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Group
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Government bureaucracy
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Policymaking groups
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Interest groups
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Other non-governmental groups
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State or Societal
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Governmental
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Structure and nature of political system
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Policymaking process
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Societal
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Structure of economic system
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Public opinion
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Nationalism
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Political culture
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Ideology
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International
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Anarchic quality of international or world politics
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Number of major powers or poles
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Distribution of power/capabilities among states
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Economic patterns
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Level and diffusion of technology
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Patterns of military alliances
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Patterns of international trade
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International organizations and regimes
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Transnational organizations and networks
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Global norms and international law
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Images (pg. 12)
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Realism - "states are the principle or most important actors on the international political stage and represent the key unit of analysis. States are viewed as unitary actors that behave in a generally rational manner. National security issues typically dominate the hierarchy of the international agenda" (pg. 12)
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Liberalism - "presents a pluralist view of the world that is composed not just of states and their institutions, but also of multiple non-state actors to include international and nongovernmental organizations, individuals, and groups. The state is disaggregated into its component parts and is continually subjected to outside influences" (pg. 12-13)
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Economic Structuralism - "identifies economic classes and other material structures as well as places the broader emphasis on multiple mechanisms…[where] all actors must be viewed within the context of an overarching global structure" (pg. 13)
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English School - "tends to see politics occurring in an international society in which one finds operative not only realist, material understandings of power and balance of power, but also the impact of rules, norms, and institutions" (pg. 13)
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"images are not theories, but they do inform substantially the way we see the world" (pg. 13)
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Interpretive Understandings (pg. 15)
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"what we term interpretive understanding - constructivist, critical, postmodern, and feminist thought - share one thing in common:" (pg. 15)
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"all have taken issue with one or more of the epistemological, methodological, and ontological assumptions that drive positivist theorizing in realism and liberalism" (pg. 15)
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Chapter 2 - Realism: The State and Balance of Power (pg. 21)
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Major Actors and Assumptions (pg. 21)
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"realism is an image and approach to international relations based on four principal assumptions" (pg. 21)
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"first, the states are the principal or most important actors in an anarchical world lacking central legitimate governance" (pg. 21)
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"realists who use the concept of system usually refer to an international system of states" (pg. 21)
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"second, the state is viewed as a unitary actor" (pg. 21)
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"political differences within the state are ultimately resolved authoritatively such that the government of the state speaks with one voice for the state as a whole" (pg. 22)
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"third…realists usually make the further assumption for the purpose of theory building that the state is essentially a rational actor" (pg. 22)
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"fourth, realists assume that within the hierarchy of issues facing the state, national or international security usually tops the list" (pg. 22)
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"military and related political issues dominate world politics" (pg. 22)
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"given the state's objectives, goals, or purposes in terms of security, it seeks and uses power, which is a key concept to realists as is the balance of power among states" (pg. 23)
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"the structural realists (or neorealist) puts particular emphasis on the security implications of the distribution of power (or underlying structure) of the international systems of states: unipolar, bipolar, or multipolar" (pg. 23)
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"states use the power they have to serve their interests or achieve their objectives. To most realists, the struggle for (or use of) power among states is at the core of international relations" (pg. 23)
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"neorealist theorizing that focuses primarily on material structure (the distribution of power or capabilities) as the principal explanatory variable depends on the same rationalist assumptions of classical realists" (pg. 24)
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Intellectual Precursors and Influences (pg. 24)
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"Thucydides is usually credited with being the first writer in the realist tradition as well as the founding father of the IR discipline" (pg. 25)
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"like Thucydides, Machiavelli writes of the importance of personality on politics, power, the balance of power, the formation of alliances, and the causes of conflict between different city-states" (pg. 25)
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"for Machiavelli, survival of the state is paramount" (pg. 25)
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"like Machiavelli and Thucydides, Hobbes has a pessimistic view of human nature" (pg. 26)
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"[Hobbes's] goal is to make the strongest case possible for the necessity of a powerful, centralized political authority" (pg. 26)
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"he is interested in showing how people can escape from this hypothetical situation - a state of war of everyone against everyone else - by agreeing to place all power in the hands of a sovereign of leviathan (a supreme ruler, either a monarch of parliament) that would end the anarchy of the state of nature" (pg. 26)
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Geopolitical Writers (pg. 27)
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"geopolitics [says] that a state's geographic location or the territory it controls (or seeks to control) has significant political implications" (pg. 27)
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Mid-Twentieth-Century Writers (pg. 28)
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"[E. H. Carr] argues that sound political thought must be based on elements of both utopia and reality" (pg. 29)
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"for Carr, politics is made up of two elements, inextricably intertwined: utopia and reality - values and power" (pg. 29)
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"Morgenthau posits six principles of political realism:" (pg. 30)
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"politics, like society in general, is governed by objectives laws that have their roots in human nature" (pg. 30)
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"in international politics, 'interest [is] defined in terms of power'" (pg. 30)
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"interest defined as power is not endowed with a meaning that is fixed once and for all" (pg. 30)
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"there is 'tension between moral command and the requirements of successful political action'" (pg. 30)
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"the security dilemma arises from military or other measures taken by states to compete that lead to countermeasures taken by adversaries. As a consequence of this action-reaction behavior, neither side advances its security. Actions taken by one side threaten the opponent and lead to a response in kind that undermines the security of one's own side" (pg. 31)
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"among realists, there are two basic concepts that traditionally have been the foci of analysis at the state and international levels: power and system in which states are the principal actors" (pg. 31)
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Power (pg. 32)
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Definitions (pg. 32)
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"some realists understand power to be the sum of military, economic, technological, diplomatic, and other capabilites at the disposal of the state. Others see power not as some absolute value determined for each states as if it were in a vacuum but, rather, as capabilities relative to the capabilities of other states" (pg. 32)
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"both of these definitions…are termed a materialistic view" (pg. 32)
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"an alternative, dynamic definition of power focuses on the interactions of states" (pg. 32)
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"Joseph Nye differentiates between 'hard power' as in economic or military capabilities and the 'soft power' that comes…from cultural dimensions or the values that define the identity and practices of a state" (pg. 32)
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"soft power involves attracting others to your agenda in world politics and not just relying on carrots and sticks" (pg. 32)
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"Nye sees sustaining American power as dependent upon strategic restraint, reassuring partners and avoiding a unilateral and arrogant foreign policy" (pg. 33)
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Measurement (pg. 33)
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"if one understands power as being equivalent to capabilities, one looks for some way to measure military, economic, and other component elements" (pg. 33)
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"the further problem remains of aggregating or adding up such diverse capabilities into a common measure of power" (pg. 33)
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System (pg. 34)
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"the polarity of the system is measured by the number of major powers, and different polarities will have different effects on international relations" (pg. 34-35)
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"systems are therefore mental images that may help to describe international phenomena" (pg. 35)
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"[one] may not wish to visualize international relations or world politics as a system that is defined in terms of patterns of interactions, polarity, equilibrating tendencies, or some other characteristics. Some may share the English School preference for seeing international or global politics as actually occurring in a societal context" (pg. 35)
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Game Theory and Anarchy (pg. 35)
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"game theory is an approach to determining rational choice or optimum strategy in a competitive situation" (pg. 35)
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"game theory is highly relevant to understanding international relations due to the realist emphasis on the conditions of anarchy and the distribution of capabilites or power among states" (pg. 36)
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"for realists, however, the word anarchy simply refers to the absence of any legitimate authority above states" (pg. 36)
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"states are sovereign. They claim a right externally to be independent or autonomous from other states, and they claim a right internally or domestically to exercise complete authority over their own territories" (pg. 36)
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"realists distinguish between authority and power" (pg. 36)
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"there is hierarchy of power in international politics, but there is not a hierarchy of authority" (pg. 36)
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"anarchy…is the defining characteristic of the environment within which sovereign states interact" (pg. 36)
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"realists argue that the absence of a central and overriding authority helps to explain why states come to rely on power, seeking to maintain or increase their power positions relative to other states" (pg. 36)
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"structural realists also tend to make the analytical assumption that states are largely concerned with relative rather than just absolute gains" (pg. 39)
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Distribution of Capabilities and the Balance of Power (pg. 39)
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"realists see anarchy as continuing to be a defining characteristic of the international system unless one state or some kind of superior international authority were constructed to provide a new order to the world through its position of dominance. Within this anarchical environment, various distributions of capabilities or power among states emerge in dynamic, competitive relations among states" (pg. 39)
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"balances of power and alliances among states are the means realists conceive for sustaining international order" (pg. 39)
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"the structure of the international system - anarchy plus the distribution of capabilities - affects the calculations and choices of decision makers. Balance-of-power theory…can be used to account for arms races, alliances and counter-alliances, coalitions and countercoalitions, and other forms of competitive behavior among states" (pg. 41-42)
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4 Key Questions Among Realists (pg. 40)
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Voluntarism and Determinism (pg. 41)
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"Henry Kissinger emphasizes voluntarism - the balance of power is a foreign policy creation or constructed by statesmen; it does not just occur automatically" (pg. 41)
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"Kenneth Waltz…sees the balance of power as an attribute of the system of states that will occur whether it is willed or not" (pg. 41)
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Polarity and System Structure (pg. 44)
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"[Kenneth] Waltz…J. David Singer and Karl Deutsch…agreed that the amount of uncertainty about the consequences of a particular action taken by a state increases as the number of international actors increases" (pg. 44)
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"as an international system moves from being bipolar to multipolar, the amount of overall uncertainty in the system increases" (pg. 44)
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"where they part company is on the matter of whether an increase in the number of actors makes war more or less likely" (pg. 44)
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Defensive and Offensive Realists (pg. 45)
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"offensive realists…hold a very different assumption on the question of how much power states want and the implications of anarchy, arguing that the latter actually provides strong incentive for the expansion of power capabilities relative to other states [where] states strive for maximum power" (pg. 46)
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Nonsystematic Factors (pg. 47)
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"[Stephen] Walt draws a distinction between balancing (allying with others against the prevailing threat that is the dominant tendency in international politics) and bandwagoning (the opportunistic option of aligning with the source of danger, particularly if it is a strong state)" (pg. 49)
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Change (pg. 51)
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Power Transition (pg. 51)
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"like balance-of-power theory…power transitions is a system-level theory. Realist adherents to both theories claim that the distribution of power among states is the key to understanding international relations" (pg. 52)
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"power-transition theorists, however, are much more likely to call our attention to change in the international system as opposed to balance-of-power theorists" (pg. 52)
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"power-transition theorists see the international system as hierarchically ordered, with the most powerful state dominating the rest" (pg. 52)
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"power-transition theorists claim that war may be more likely when states are relatively equal" (pg. 52)
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Globalization and Interdependence (pg. 53)
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"dependency on others is to be minimized, whereas dependency of others on one's own state may be desirable to the extent that it increases one's leverage over those other states" (pg. 54)
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Realists and International Cooperation (pg. 54)
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"classical realists have more faith than structural realists in the ability of international organizations to make a substantive contribution to international stability if not peace" (pg. 54)
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International Relations Theory (Part 2)
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General Notes:
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Chapter 3 - Liberalism: Interdependence and Global Governance (pg. 63)
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Major Actors and Assumptions (pg. 63)
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"realists are primarily interested in power and the balance of power - explanations of political and economic competition, war, and other conflicts" (pg. 63)
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"liberals, by contrast, are primarily interested in explaining the conditions under which international cooperation or collaboration becomes possible" (pg. 63)
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"with the liberal lenses firmly in place, the focus may be on democratic peace theory, integration, interdependence, regime theory, neoliberal institutionalism, and the ways and means of global governance" (pg. 63)
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5 Key Assumptions: (pg. 63)
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"first, states as well as non-state transnational actors are important entities in world politics" (pg. 63)
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"the liberal image is therefore a pluralistic one in which multiple kinds of state and non-state actors play substantial roles in world politics" (pg. 63)
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"second, many liberals see economic or other forms of interdependence or interconnectedness among both state and non-state actors as tending to have, if not a pacifying effect, then at least a moderating one on state behavior" (pg. 64)
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"third…the liberal rejects the notion that the agenda of international politics is dominated only by military-security issues…[but that] economic, social, and environmental issues also matter" (pg. 64)
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"fourth, as opposed to structural realists with their 'top-down' view on how anarchy and the distribution of capabilities affect state behavior, many liberals take an 'inside-out' view that examines how factors at the state-society and individual levels of analysis affect international relations and outcomes" (pg. 64)
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"democratic peace theory attempts to show how political culture, values, and domestic political structures influence the prospects for international peace" (pg. 64)
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"fifth, the key analytical task is to discover under what conditions international collaboration, if not peace, might be achieved" (pg. 64)
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"scholars of regimes theory argue that collaboration is possible where principles, norms, and actors' expectations converge on a particular issue area" (pg. 65)
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"neoliberal institutionalist theories all examine the possibilities of upgrading the common interest to include the impact of nonmaterial factors such as ideas and norms" (pg. 65)
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"compared to structural realists and many economic structuralists…liberals tend to be voluntarists" (pg. 65)
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Intellectual Precursors and Influences (pg. 65)
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"[liberals have] an interest in not simply the state, but also the individual or group" (pg. 66)
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Interest Group Liberalism (pg. 66)
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"it is a multi-actor pluralism of individuals in groups interacting and forming coalitions and countercoalitions in the domestic arenas of politics that many liberal scholars project as capturing the essence of politics across the entire globe" (pg. 66)
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"many liberals reject the realist distinction between 'international' and 'domestic' politics" (pg. 66)
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3 Liberal Notions: (pg. 66)
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"the state as neutral arbiter" (pg. 66)
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"the potential for a natural harmony of interest, in this case among groups of individuals" (pg. 66)
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"public concern for…a policy process not restricted to elites" (pg. 66)
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"the image of politics that interest group liberals hold is of a fragmented political system, one in which multiple actors compete" (pg. 67)
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"[Robert] Dahl describes American politics as a 'system in which all the active and legitimate groups in the populations can make themselves heard at some crucial stage in the process of decision" (pg. 67)
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"what the group is to the interest group liberal, the individual is to the liberal philosopher" (pg. 67)
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"what they have in common is agreement on the fragmented nature of the state and society and the potential for harmony to develop out of competition and conflict. The state is not an independent, coherent, autonomous actor separated or aloof from society. Its primary function is as arbiter of conflicting demands and claims, or as an arena for the expression of such interests" (pg. 67)
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International Organization (pg. 68)
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"the League of Nations…[was an] effort to maintain the peace…[whereby] negotiators moved away from alliances, power, and the balance of power [which] were understood to be more the causes of war than mechanisms for maintaining the peace. It was instead to be a collective security based on the rule of law" (pg. 68)
-
"liberal and realist conceptions came together in the multilateral security mechanism constituted under the authority of the UN Security Council" (pg. 68) [Chapter VII: Action with Respect to Threats to the Peace, Breaches of the Peace, and Acts of Aggression (Articles 39-51) | United Nations]
-
-
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Integration (pg. 69)
-
"[David] Mitrany argued that modern society faced a myriad of technical problems that can best be resolved by experts as opposed to politicians" (pg. 69)
-
"Mitrany saw a way to sneak up on the authority of the sovereign state. As states and societies became increasingly integrated due to the expansion of collaboration…the cost of breaking these functional ties would be great and hence give leaders reason to pause" (pg. 69)
-
-
"the most prominent theorist of regional integration was Ernst Haas, whose work…was referred to as neofunctionalism" (pg. 69)
-
"rather than just compete in ongoing zero-sum contests, optimizing short-term self-interest at the expense of others, they can upgrade service of their common and long-term interests through cooperative and collaborative efforts reflected in international institutions" (pg. 70)
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Transnationalism (pg. 71)
-
"by the early 1970's…attention turned to the increasing role of MNCs abroad and the challenge they posed to the sovereign prerogatives of states as they transited across national boundaries in the daily conduct of their business" (pg. 71)
-
"the new focus was on studying these actors, their institutions, and the coalitions they form across state boundaries…such as MNCs, banks, churches, and eventually human rights, environmental, and terror or criminal networks" (pg. 72-73)
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-
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Interdependence (pg. 73)
-
"interdependence is simply defined as mutual dependence resulting from the types of international transactions catalogued by transnationalists - flows of money, goods, services, people, communications, etc." (pg. 73)
-
"interdependence exists when there are 'reciprocal effects among countries or among actors in different countries'" (pg. 73)
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-
"in a situation of complex interdependence, where multiple channels connect societies, there is an absence of hierarchy among states, and military force is not used by governments against other governments involved in the interdependent relation" (pg. 73)
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International Regimes (pg. 74)
-
"Keohane and Nye's work on complex interdependence did not displace the state as [the] principal focus of study" (pg. 74)
-
"regime literature has focused, then, on ways and means of constructing and maintaining or managing interdependent relations in these multilateral, institutionalized arrangements" (pg. 74)
-
"as sets of principles, norms, rules, and procedures, international regimes are not the same as international organizations" (pg. 74)
-
"in IR theory they are merely analytical constructs defined by observers. Action remains with states and both international and nongovernmental organizations" (pg. 75)
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Power-Based Realist Theories - "the basic argument is that regimes are established and maintained when a state holds a preponderance of power resources" (pg. 75)
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Knowledge-Based Cognitive Regime Theories - "cognition theorists argue that state interests are not given, but rather created. This leads them to examine the role of normative and causative beliefs of decision makers in explaining preferences and interest formation" (pg. 75)
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Neoliberal Institutionalism (pg. 76)
-
"[Keohane] developed the broader concept of 'institutions' [which] he defines as 'persistent and connected sets of rules (formal and informal) that prescribe behavioral roles, constrain activity, and shape expectations'" (pg. 77)
-
"neorealists and neoliberal institutionalists agree that international relations or world politics lack a stable hierarchy due to its anarchic or decentralized character. Neoliberals, however, are much more emphatic that there is no necessary logical link between the condition of anarchy and [outcome of] war" (pg. 78)
-
"the literature on international organizations, regimes, and institutions in the liberal tradition offers insight on how states may accommodate differences and upgrade the interests they share" (pg. 79)
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Global Governance (pg. 79)
-
"Keohane sees greater institutionalization as the world becomes more like a polity with governance essential to trade, finance, environment, security, and other matters" (pg. 80)
-
"devising better, more effective global institutions to serve the needs of humankind is an imperative" (pg. 80)
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Economic Interdependence and Peace (pg. 83)
-
"as economic interdependence spreads, economic development through trade and foreign investment becomes a self-reinforcing process and an integral part of state strategy" (pg. 83)
-
"[Stephen] Brooks examines three major means by which the international economy can influence security" (pg. 84)
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Changing Capabilities
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Incentives
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The Nature of the Actors
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The Democratic Peace (pg. 84)
-
"for liberals the likelihood of war is reduced not only through the expansion of free trade, but also democracy" (pg. 84)
-
"republicanism as we now understand it is representative democracy supported by the rule of law and respect for basic freedoms or rights in civil society. It is not direct democracy in which the popular will necessarily prevails" (pg. 86)
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Decision-Making (pg. 87)
-
"instead of viewing the state as a rational, unified actor, the state is composed of diverse societal actors. Ideas, group interests, institutions, and individuals shape state preferences; they are not given" (pg. 87)
-
"the state-as-actor has meaning only when we look within the state to the decision makers themselves and examine how they are influenced by domestic factors and how they relate to their decision-making counterparts in other states. Material and ideational factors intersect not at the abstract level of the state, but rather at the decision-making level. Real people make decisions. Both situational and biographical factors influence foreign policy choices" (pg. 87)
-
"agency is important in this classic understanding. The state-as-actor has meaning only when we look within the state to the decision makers themselves and examine how they are influenced by domestic factors and how they relate to their decision-making" (pg. 88)
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Change and Globalization (pg. 90)
-
"of all the images discussed in this book, liberalism is most open to change" (pg. 90)
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Liberals and Their Critics (pg. 91)
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Anarchy (pg. 91)
-
"liberals argue that the role of anarchy and the security dilemma are overemphasized in explaining international relations" (pg. 91)
-
"[liberals] argue that its worst aspects can overcome through purposeful collaborative behavior to include international organizations, institutions, and regimes" (pg. 91)
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Voluntarism (pg. 93)
-
"liberals can be criticized for their heavy reliance on the assumption of voluntarism, or effective free will" (pg. 94)
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Chapter 4 - Economic Structuralism: Global Capitalism and Postcolonialism (pg. 95)
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Major Actors and Assumptions (pg. 95)
-
"economic structuralism concentrates on the broad question of why so many countries in Latin America, Africa, and Asia have been unable to develop or have suffered from economic booms, busts, and financial instability" (pg. 95)
-
"economic structuralists are guided by four key assumptions:" (pg. 96)
-
"first, it is necessary to understand the global context within which states and other entities interact" (pg. 96)
-
"economic structuralists argue that to explain behavior at any and all levels of analysis one must first understand the overall structure of the global system within which such behavior takes place" (pg. 96)
-
-
"second, economic structuralists stress the importance of historical analysis in comprehending the international system" (pg. 96)
-
"only by tracing the historical evolution of the system is it possible to understand its current structure" (pg. 96)
-
-
"third, economic structuralists assume that particular mechanisms of domination exist that keep Third World states from developing, contributing to worldwide uneven development" (pg. 96-97)
-
"finally…economic structuralists assume that economic factors are absolutely critical in explaining the evolution and functioning of the international or capitalist world-system" (pg. 97)
-
-
"there is decidedly more voluntarism in liberal understandings, more determinism in economic-structuralist theorizing" (pg. 98)
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Intellectual Precursors and Influences (pg. 99)
-
"Marx focused attention on unequal and exploitative relations and thus set an important backdrop or context for scholarship by economic structuralists" (pg. 99)
-
"first, Marx was concerned with exploitation of the many by the few" (pg. 99)
-
"second, according to Marx, capitalism exhibits certain lawlike qualities in terms of its development and expansions. He views capitalism as part of a world historical process unfolding dialectically, an economic system riddled with clashing contradictions or internal tensions that could be resolved only by a revolutionary transformation into a socialist mode of production" (pg. 99-100)
-
"finally, Marx insists that a society must be studied in its totality, not piecemeal" (pg. 100)
-
-
"Marx is an intellectual precursor of present-day critical theorists" (pg. 100)
-
"[John] Hobson notes that capitalist societies are faced with three basic problems: overproduction of goods, underconsumption of these goods by workers and other classes, and oversavings on the part of capitalists" (pg. 101)
-
"he states that it is 'not inherent in the nature of things that we should spend our natural resources on militarism, war, and risky, unscrupulous diplomacy, in order to find markets for our goods and surplus capital'" (pg. 101)
-
"from Hobson, Lenin accepts the key argument that underconsumption and overproduction caused capitalists to scramble for foreign markets beyond Europe and to engage in colonialism" (pg. 101)
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The Capitalist World-System (pg. 106)
-
"first, advocates of the capitalist world-system perspective not only are concerned with the lack of Third World development, but also wish to understand the economic, political, and social development of regions throughout the entire world" (pg. 106)
-
"second, the goal is to understand the fate of various parts of the world at various times in history within the larger context of a developing world political economy" (pg. 107)
-
"the first priority, therefore, is to understand this global system in historical perspective" (pg. 107)
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System (pg. 108)
-
"Wallerstein and other economic structuralists insist that in order to understand the development of global economic, political, and social processes, we must keep our eyes on the development of capitalism" (pg. 108)
-
"we should examine capitalism as an integrated, historically expanding system that transcends any particular political or geographic boundaries. By first understanding capitalism as a truly integrated world-system, we then can better understand the fate of particular countries" (pg. 108)
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-
"for realists, anarchy leads one to examine international political stability, war, and balance-of-power politics involving major states. For the economic structuralist…political anarchy of the interstate system facilitates the development and expansion of world capitalism because no single state can control the entire world-economy. The result is an economic division of labor involving a core, a periphery, and a semi-periphery that is the focal point of economic-structuralist analysis. Political anarchy becomes a backdrop for an extensive analysis of capitalist dynamics" (pg. 108)
-
"what is critical for the Wallerstein economic structuralist is the fact that the key aspects of the system are its capitalist nature, the existence of global class relations, and the various functions states and societies perform in the world-economy" (pg. 109)
-
"differential power alone is not the defining characteristic of the system" (pg. 109)
-
"it is capitalism that provides the critical environment in which states and classes operate by constraining, shaping, and channeling behavior" (pg. 109)
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Political, Economic, and Social Factors (pg. 110)
-
"all economic structuralists emphasize economic factors in their conceptions of the world-system" (pg. 110)
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Gramsci and Hegemony (pg. 111)
-
"a key concept in [Gramsci's] work…is the historical and ideological bloc, which may well be a 'block' or obstacle to social change, thus maintaining a pattern of dominance in society or even on a global scale" (pg. 111)
-
"such blocks are social constructions that serve dominant class interests. The historic bloc is an instrument of hegemony" (pg. 111)
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-
"of particular importance is his argument that this hegemonic positions relies mainly on consent rather than mere coercion. Dominant classes provide a social vision that supposedly is in the interests of all…[which] can be articulated and reflected in popular culture, education, literature, and political parties. If subordinates social groups buy into this vision, then the ruling classes will not have to rely on coercion to stay in power" (pg. 111)
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"in Robert Cox's work on social forces and hegemony…world hegemony, therefore, is a combination of social structure, economic structure, and political structure…[which] is expressed in universal norms, institutions, and other mechanisms that constitute general rules of behavior for states as well as transnational, civil society actors" (pg. 111-112)
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Change and Globalization (pg. 112)
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"a common distinction is between changes of the system and lesser changes within an existing system that retains its basic characteristics" (pg. 112)
-
"neostructuralism is interested in understanding how global processes interact with other processes of state and social transformation occurring at many other levels of analysis of the world-system. The study of international relations, therefore, is not limited to foreign policy or patterns of distribution of capabilities, nor confined to reducing international relations to economic variables" (pg. 114-115)
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Postcolonialism (pg. 115)
-
"postcolonialism emphasizes an interdisciplinary perspective that encompasses economic, political, social, and cultural aspects of decolonization and highlights the importance of race, gender, and ethnicity in understanding anticolonial struggles" (pg. 115)
-
"in terms of historical background, Third World countries at the Bandung Conference in Indonesia in 1958 established the nonaligned movement" (pg. 115)
-
-
"while formal empires may have disintegrated, strategies were developed to retain Western power and influence before and during the decolonization process and are still in existence today" (pg. 116)
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Chapter 5 - The English School: International Society and Grotian Rationalism (pg. 125)
-
"the primary task of the English School has been to trace the history and development of international society and to uncover its nature and functioning. The English School is an interesting blend of realist understandings of power and balance of power and the liberal perspective on the ways international law, rules, and norms, and institutions operate internationally" (pg. 125)
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Major Actors and Assumptions (pg. 125)
-
"the first assumption underlying the English School image is that the world can be understood as an international or anarchical society in which both states and non-state actors operate" (pg. 125)
-
"an international society is '[a] group of states which not merely form a system, in the sense that the behavior of each is a necessary factor in the calculations of the others, but also have established by dialogue and consent common rules and institutions for the conduct of their relations, and recognize their common interest in maintaining these arrangements'" (pg. 126)
-
-
"second, for the English School the concept of order in the anarchical society plays an important theoretical role" (pg. 126)
-
"order, however, results not simply from power and the balance of power, but also from the acceptance of rules and institutional arrangements that are in the enlightened, rational self-interest of states and other actors" (pg. 126)
-
-
"finally, the English School recognizes the importance of Immanuel Kant's ethical and moral understandings, but this is balanced by a pragmatic view of the anarchical society as one in which considerations of power and interest remain important" (pg. 126)
-
"Martin Wright, who was the founder of the English School, [noted] all three perspectives - realist (international system), rationalist (international society), and revolutionist (world society) - are important to understanding world politics" (pg. 127)
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-
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Intellectual Precursors and Influences (pg. 127)
-
"notwithstanding the independence of sovereign states, it is in their (rational) interest to follow rules that set the parameters of international relations in peacetime and even provided criteria for resort to war. The result, [Grotius] hopes, is perhaps to make the use of force somewhat less barbarous than it otherwise would be" (pg. 127)
-
"natural law is a philosophical view that claims there are laws inherent in nature that transcend any laws made by mere mortals" (pg. 128)
-
"[E. H.] Carr rejects as utopian the pure idealism of focusing only on moral values and trying to exclude power and interest" (pg. 129)
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Change (pg. 133)
-
From System to International Society (pg. 133)
-
"the English School's interest in continuity and change in international relations can also be stated as an interest in the relation between international order and the aspiration for human justice" (pg. 134)
-
-
From International Society to World Society (pg. 134)
-
"the English School actually consists of several complementary elements that are not always made explicit" (pg. 135)
-
"the School as a set of ideas to be found in the minds of statemen, a set of ideas in the minds of political theorists, and a set of externally imposed concepts that define material and social structures of the international system" (pg. 135)
-
-
"the pluralist view finds that states have relatively little in common other than the calculations of interest. This is a thin morality in which states can agree to a framework of international order that allows for mutually advantageous cooperation. At best, it is a world of enlightened self-interest in which states are most concerned with security and maintaining order under anarchy. Practical policies emphasize mutual recognition of sovereignty, diplomacy, and maintaining the nonintervention principle in terms of the domestic affairs of states" (pg. 135)
-
"the opposing solidarist view sees the world in cosmopolitan terms, arguing international society has a relatively high degree of shared norms, rules, and institutions among states. This is a thick morality with the capacity even to enforce universalist ethics…this reflects a Kantian influence" (pg. 135)
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-
-
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Chapter 6 - Constructivist Understandings (pg. 143)
-
"constructivism does not claim to offer a global or worldwide vision of international relations…[but] instead is an approach to interpretive understandings" (pg. 143)
-
"social constructivism…relates to the irreducibly intersubjective dimension of human action to include what we consider to be knowledge and reality, with the assumption that the objects of our knowledge are not independent of our interpretations" (pg. 144)
-
"constructivists are particularly interested in the key concepts of norms, rules, and identities and how they affect the conception of ourselves and how we relate to the world" (pg. 144)
-
-
Major Actors and Assumptions (pg. 144)
-
"first, constructivism seeks to problematize the identities and interests of states…constructivists are not only interested in the state as agent or actor, but also transnational organizations and international organizations" (pg. 144)
-
"second, constructivists view international structure in terms of a social structure infused with ideational factors to include norms, rules, and law. This structure can influence the identities and interests of agents, as well as international outcomes" (pg. 145)
-
"third, constructivism…views the world as a project always under construction" (pg. 145)
-
"finally, constructivists have done hard thinking on ontological and epistemological issues" (pg. 145)
-
"constructivists do not reject the scientific method nor deny that explanation in international relation is possible. But…instead of adopting only the causal-explanation approach that tends to be dominated by covering law accounts grounded in theories that presume instrumentally rational behavior on the part of actors, many constructivists also look to models of value-rational behavior. This involves focusing on the ontological orientations and epistemological preferences they bring to their research as well as the normative concerns and principled beliefs of actors or agents" (pg. 145)
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-
-
Intellectual Precursors and Influences (pg. 145)
-
"here…we note [Immanuel Kant's] impact on the development of phenomenology - how human consciousness affects our understandings of what we observe or appear to us. The objects we observe are phenomena, which Kant distinguishes from what he calls noumena - the unknowable essence of objects as things in themselves, quite apart from how we may see them or how they may appear" (pg. 145)
-
"our knowledge - or what we think we 'know' - flows from our subjectivity, imposing our mental framework not just on nature, but also on the social world" (pg. 146)
-
"knowing is indeed a highly subjective endeavor" (pg. 146)
-
-
"constructivists see individuals (and states) as essentially social beings enmeshed in an interactive normative context, which influences who they are and how they see others" (pg. 146)
-
"to constructivists the realist view of anarchy is not the only way to conceptualize a world without legitimate centralized authority; there can be multiple types of anarchy. It is not [necessarily] a state of nature without rules" (pg. 146)
-
"the concept of sovereignty, for example, involves a shared expectation concerning the rules of the game in the relations among states. These shared expectations are the result of interactions, a socialization and internalization of norms or agreed rules that mitigate the danger of international relations" (pg. 146-147)
-
-
"the important point in terms of constructivism is that forms of sociality - the nature of relations and interactions among actors - have causal impact" (pg. 147)
-
"[Emile] Durkheim believed that these relations cannot be reduced just to material factors" (pg. 147)
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-
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Intersubjectivity (pg. 148)
-
"central to constructivism is the understanding that international politics is guided by intersubjectively shared and institutionalized norms, rules, ideas, beliefs, and values held by actors (or agents)" (pg. 148)
-
"intersubjective by definition means shared by people - defined by their person-to-person, self-other exchanges - the ideational component of international relations not simply being the sum total of the beliefs of individuals" (pg. 148)
-
"institutionalized means these collective ideas are established or constituted in the social world as structures or institutions, practices, and identities" (pg. 148)
-
-
"constructivists at a minimum hold that normative or ideational factors or structures are at least as (and likely more) important than material structures composed of such elements as population size, weapons systems, manufacturing output, and geographic factors" (pg. 148)
-
"constructivists would claim that commitment to materially based understandings…does not grant ideas the important standing they warrant as an independent variable or factor that shapes IR patterns and outcomes" (pg. 148)
-
-
"[here,] we take up the social construction of the concept of sovereignty, which consists of a set of rules or standards of behavior providing guidance for states interacting with one another" (pg. 148) [Sovereignty (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy)]
-
"sovereign states come to claim under international law a right to complete jurisdiction over their own territories (the internal or domestic dimension), hence, the development of the international norm prescribing noninterference in the internal affairs of other states" (pg. 148)
-
"states claim a right to be independent or autonomous in the conduct of their foreign relations (the external dimension)." (pg. 148-149)
-
"sovereignty…can be viewed as an intersubjectively shared and socially constructed institution or normative structure among states" (pg. 149)
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Structure, Rules, and Norms (pg. 151)
-
"constructivists define 'structure' in terms of social relationships and shared meanings, differing on the component elements and their relative importance" (pg. 151)
-
"these elements may include clusters of rules, norms, principled beliefs, shared knowledge, practices, and even material elements." (pg. 151)
-
-
"when such ideational structures persist and become institutionalized or routinized over time, they gain causal and normative force, leading to patterns of behaviors that can be empirically analyzed" (pg. 151)
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Rules (pg. 152)
-
"constructivists make a distinction between constitutive and regulative rules and in so doing contrast their approach to international relations with that of neorealists and neoliberals" (pg. 152)
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Norms (pg. 153)
-
"norms are generally accepted values that define standards of appropriate behavior for agents (actors) with a given identity" (pg. 153)
-
"norms, therefore, either define (constitute) identities or prescribe (regulate) behavior, or they do both" (pg. 153)
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-
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Agents (pg. 153)
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"structure (social relations and shared meanings) can have a constitutive not just a regulative - effect on actors. Structure can encourage actors or agents to redefine their interests and identities in an ongoing socialization process" (pg. 154)
-
"constructivism is interested in how ideational structures actually shape the way actors define themselves and relate to others" (pg. 154)
-
"agents and structures mutually constitute one another" (pg. 154)
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Identity (pg. 154)
-
"identities are relatively stable, role-specific understandings and expectations about one's self. They are acquired by interacting with or defining the self in relations to a structure composed of social relationships, shared meanings, rules, norms, and practices" (pg. 154)
-
"identities are produced and are not givens, any more than a state's interests are" (pg. 155)
-
"the empirical research task for constructivists, therefore, is to explore how interaction and context influence the development of the meaning of self" (pg. 155)
-
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Logic of Appropriateness (pg. 156)
-
"identities, rules, and norms come together in the constructivist concept of the logic of appropriateness" (pg. 156)
-
"a distinction is made between consequence-based and rule-based actions" (pg. 156)
-
-
"the logic of appropriateness assumes human actors follow norms and rules that associate particular identities to particular situations" (pg. 156)
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Interests (pg. 157)
-
"constructivists claim that the interests of actors are constructed and subject to change by the actors themselves as they interact with others" (pg. 157)
-
-
The Diversity of Social Constructivist Thought (pg. 158)
-
Schools of Thought (pg. 158)
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Neoclassical
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Postmodernist
-
Naturalistic
-
-
Levels of Analysis (pg. 160)
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Systemic - "the systemic focus is on the interaction of unitary state actors with domestic politics being ignored" (pg. 160)
-
Unit-Level - "unit level constructivism takes the opposite approach, emphasizing the relation between domestic legal and social norms on the one hand and the identities and interests of states on the other" (pg. 160)
-
Holistic - "holistic constructivists aim to bridge the classic international-domestic divide" (pg. 160)
-
-
-
Wendt's 'Naturalist' Constructivism (pg. 160)
-
"for [Alexander Wendt], the challenge we have as subjective creatures is finding a correct understanding of the world around us" (pg. 161)
-
"for Wendt the two basic tenets of constructivism are:" (pg. 161)
-
"1) that the structures of human association are determined primarily by shared ideas rather than material forces, and 2) that the identities and interests of purposive actors are constructed by these shared ideas rather than given by nature" - Alexander Wendt (pg. 161)
-
-
"the amount of war and conflict is conditioned by the type of anarchy in existence. All these social structures have three elements: material resources and, more importantly, shared knowledge (ideas), and human practices" (pg. 162)
-
"consciousness - to Wendt [is the] 'basis of social life' - is the core concept in much theorizing about interpretive understanding" (pg. 162)
-
"what is consciousness is instead viewed as a quantum mechanical phenomenon, the domain of the subatomic physics of particles and waves?" (pg. 162)
-
-
-
-
Chapter 7 - Positivism, Critical Theory and Postmodern Understanding (pg. 169)
-
"what we observe in international relations and the other social sciences is heavily influenced by the interpretive understandings we have of the concepts we employ. Many of these critiques or interpretive understandings are informed by phenomenology - a subjective or interpretive understanding in human consciousness of what we observe or think we see in the world around us" (pg. 169)
-
Positivism (pg. 169)
-
"positivists believe that objective knowledge of the world is possible" (pg. 170)
-
"rationalists like Descartes…emphasized the logic to be found in the canons of deduction [where] empiricists…made inductive inferences from what they observed" (pg. 170)
-
"a skeptic at heart, Hume recognized that causality is itself not directly observable but merely a construct used by human beings to make what they observe around them understandable" (pg. 170)
-
-
-
Mill's Canons of Causality (pg. 170)
-
The Method of Agreement
-
The Method of Difference
-
The Joint Method of Agreement and Difference
-
The Method of Concomitant Variation
-
The Method of Residues
-
-
Cause-Effect Relations (pg. 172)
-
"logical positivism [is] the pursuit of a pure science that was supposed to separate fact from value and achieve the precision of mathematics" (pg. 173) [Vienna Circle (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy)]
-
-
Intellectual Precursors: Phenomenology and Hermeneutics (pg. 176)
-
"contemporary critiques of mainstream theorizing in international relations…reflect to a greater or lesser degree the influence of phenomenology" (pg. 176)
-
"it is…a philosophical understanding that leads one to reject claims to knowing any 'objective' reality independent of the human consciousness that, after all, gives meaning to the world around us. Interpretation is central to what we see - a reflective, intuitive process by which we gain understanding" (pg. 176)
-
-
"there is a unity to be found in knowledge between an object we observe and its underlying essence or form. Something may appear to be beautiful…but it is the underlying idea or 'essential form of beauty' that makes it appear to us as such" (pg. 176)
-
"in our reflections about what we observe, we try to identify the meanings or essence of what we experience. For his part, [Martin] Heidegger focuses not only on the objects we experience, but also on the sense of our own being and what we understand to be the essence of things in general" (pg. 177)
-
"phenomenology leads on not to take things as they may first appear" (pg. 177)
-
"postmodernists are the more skeptical of 'scientific' truth claims that are so dependent of the meanings we assign to the concepts we employ…critical theorists, by contrast, tend not to abandon science, but try merely to expose ideological claims often masquerading as theories with scientific bases of support - false pretenses used to legitimate self-serving practices" (pg. 178)
-
-
Critical Theory: Major Assumptions (pg. 178)
-
"whatever knowledge critical theory may generate, it is geared toward social and political transformation. To achieve this transformation, the first step is the critical scrutiny of the current understanding of international politics in order to understand and explain the existing realities of international relations and how they develop over time. To avoid mere idealism - 'this is what the world should be' - IR scholars must explain and criticize political order in terms of the principles embedded in political institutions and cultural practices." (pg. 178-179)
-
"emancipation consists of an essentially negative conception of freedom that emphasizes removing repressive constraints or relations of domination" (pg. 179)
-
"the theme of emancipation is a primary concern among those who identify with the Frankfurt School" (pg. 179)
-
"the Frankfurt School turned a Marxist critique of political economy into a critique of ideology" (pg. 179)
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-
-
"simply put, critical theorists are interested in the relation between power and freedom" (pg. 179)
-
"critical theorists are on the voluntarist extreme end of the voluntarism-determinism continuum, seeing great transformative potential residing in those able to see through ideological and other ideational masks that disguise or obscure unjust, exploitative realities" (pg. 180)
-
"second, critical theorists have investigated the relation between knowledge and interest" (pg. 180)
-
"third…critical IR theorists have scrutinized the work of realists and liberals in particular" (pg. 180)
-
"transforming international relations for the betterment of the vast majority of humanity is supposedly not the goal of these realist and liberal rationalists" (pg. 181)
-
-
-
Postmodernism: Major Assumptions (pg. 182)
-
"for postmodernists, what we see, what we choose to see or measure, and the mechanisms or methods we employ are all of human construction that essentially rely on perception and cognitive processes influenced particularly by prior understandings and meanings" (pg. 182)
-
"postmodernists assume an intimate connection between power and knowledge in the analysis of international relations" (pg. 182)
-
"Foucault explored how concepts we use commonly developed or were socially constructed over time, challenging the generally accepted meanings these concepts purport to convey and the power-based human relations they sustain" (pg. 183)
-
"following Nietzsche, there is no single historical truth, but rather multiple ones - there being no standard to judge them as no objective standard for truth exists" (pg. 183)
-
"many postmodernists have a normative commitment to the idea that the sovereign state is not the only means by which to organize political and social life. The language of international relations that emphasizes states in a condition of anarchy reinforces the current exclusionary paradigm that effectively precludes alternative forms of political and social organization" (pg. 184)
-
"postmodernists take issue with the ontological perspective of realists and liberals that privileges the state as the unit of analysis and makes it an ontological given for IR theorizing" (pg. 184)
-
-
-
-
International Relations Theory (Part 3)
-
General Notes:
-
Chapter 8 - Feminist Understandings in IR Theory (pg. 187)
-
Intellectual Precursors and Influences (pg. 187)
-
"Mary Astell…articulated what has become a 'core liberal feminist belief that men and women are equally capable of reason, and that therefore they should be equally educated in its use" (pg. 188)
-
[Mary] Wollstonecraft argued that the education of women would enable them not only to exercise their reason, but also to realize their inner virtues as fellow human beings" (pg. 188)
-
"American women finally received the right to vote in 1919" (pg. 189)
-
"in the popular literature, feminist writers challenged exclusionary policies toward women, unequal treatment, and other patterns of male dominance" (pg. 189)
-
-
Major Assumptions (pg. 189)
-
"feminist approaches in international relations use gender as the major category of analysis to highlight women's perspectives on social issues" (pg. 189)
-
"gender is a set of socially and culturally constructed characteristics that are associated with what it means in any culture to be masculine or feminine" (pg. 189)
-
-
"feminist scholars claim that as gender permeates social life, it has profound and largely unnoticed effects on the actions of states, international organizations, and transnational actors" (pg. 190)
-
"second, from the feminist perspective gender is particularly important as a primary way to signify relationships of power not only in the home, but also in the world of foreign policy and international relations" (pg. 190)
-
"gender hierarchies perpetuate unequal role expectations, contributing to inequalities between men and women in international relations. Feminists emphasize social relations as they key unit of analysis, obviously interested in the causes and consequences of unequal power relationships between men and women. Unequal power relations exist through time, across culture, and at all levels of analysis" (pg. 190)
-
-
-
Strands of Feminism in International Relations (pg. 191)
-
"liberal feminists emphasize the exclusion of women from important public spheres of social, political, and economic life." (pg. 191)
-
"there are two strands of research" (pg. 191)
-
"the first seeks to expose the many areas of international relations where women are underrepresented and to identify ways to overcome barriers to expand participation" (pg. 191)
-
"the second strand of research looks to uncover ways in which women have actually been…participants in and witnesses of major events, but their presence not reported" (pg. 191)
-
-
"some feminists take issue with the liberal feminist approach…[and] argue that subordination and domination of women by men is the most basic form of oppression" (pg. 192)
-
"much of society is structured to reinforce and maintain patriarchy" (pg. 192)
-
-
"finally, postmodern feminism aims to displace realist and liberal positivist discourse and epistemology with a commitment to skepticism concerning truth claims about international relations" (pg. 192-193)
-
"what concerns all of them is a concern for the nature of power relationships up and down the levels of analysis" (pg. 193)
-
-
Gender and International Organizations (pg. 195)
-
"a recurrent theme of [Sandra Whitworth's] work is how international organizations are part of complex political and social processes that aid in the construction of assumptions about the proper roles of women and men in the workforce" (pg. 195)
-
-
-
Chapter 9 - Normative IR Theory: Ethics and Morality (pg. 199)
-
Norms, Ethics, and Morality (pg. 199)
-
"[there] is the idea that norms might require people, states, or international and transnational actors to act in ways that may not promote the actor's narrow understanding of its self-interests" (pg. 200)
-
"normative theory differs fundamentally from empirical theory. Propositions in normative theory that deal with what ought to be are not subject to the formal empirical tests of hypotheses about what is" (pg. 200)
-
"values are at the core of normative theory" (pg. 200)
-
-
Normative Theory: Alternative Perspectives (pg. 200)
-
The Levels of Analysis (pg. 200)
-
"do we have duties beyond our borders?" (pg. 200)
-
-
Moral Relativism (pg. 201)
-
"universal or cosmopolitan perspectives are in direct conflict with the idea of moral relativism, which holds that no universal standard exists by which to assess an ethical proposition's truth" (pg. 201)
-
"strict moral relativism [says] that values and rights can no independent standing of their own…[which would mean] that there is no such thing as morality or ethics" (pg. 201)
-
-
-
Secular Bases for Moral or Ethical Choice (pg. 201)
-
"Stoics argue that we are all part of a larger community of humankind, regardless of our different political communities and cultures" (pg. 201)
-
"this universalism was the basis for the idea of law common to the nations of the Roman Empire" (pg. 202)
-
"that values transcend a single community or state was also central to the thought of St. Augustine, Thomas Aquinas, and other religious writers of the Middle Ages" (pg. 202)
-
-
-
"the Kantian approach to ethics is often referred to as deontological" (pg. 202)
-
"[Kant figures that a] vision of the universal transcends space and time and yet can be discovered within oneself." (pg. 202)
-
"this inherent sense of right and wrong stems from one's ontology - the worldview a person has or how one internally sees or understands the essence of things" (pg. 202)
-
-
"according to Kant, the individual has free will to choose the correct moral course, clearly a voluntarist position. Individual behavior is not predetermined, but the individual is obligated, nevertheless, to follow the moral law that is discoverable through the proper exercise of reason" (pg. 202)
-
"it is the universal dimension in Kantian ethics that is also the basis for his thinking on international relations" (pg. 203)
-
-
"Jeremy Bentham, John Stuart Mill, and others focus on attaining the greatest good for the greatest number as the principle criterion of utilitarian thought" (pg. 203)
-
"utilitarian and Kantian criteria provide a philosophical basis for international law because the application of these criteria transcends the boundaries of any given state or society" (pg. 203)
-
-
"the social-contract approach as a guide to right behavior assumes that individuals may voluntarily agree to bind or obligate themselves to some set of principles" (pg. 203-204)
-
"for Hobbes, escaping the state of nature can only be achieved by the people elevating a sovereign - whether a monarch or legislature - to provide the order and security that comes from governance" (pg. 204)
-
"Locke reasoned that human beings have certain natural rights to life, liberty, and property, which they surrender only as part of a social contract" (pg. 204)
-
"to Locke, human rights are thus part of human nature" (pg. 204)
-
-
"building on this social-contract approach as a means to finding justice within a society, John Rawls asks what would be considered fair if individuals were in a state of nature and none knew in advance what one's place in society, class position, wealth, or social status would be" (pg. 204)
-
-
"among positivists, international law and the obligation to follow other international rules or norms stem not from natural law or natural rights, but rather from affirmative actions taken by states" (pg. 205)
-
-
-
Justice and War (pg. 206)
-
"a fairly well-developed area that stands as an exception to our general observation of the paucity of normative IR theory is that which deals with the morality of war itself (jus ad bellum) and the ethical or moral constraints within any given war (jus in bello)" (pg. 206)
-
Just War Principles (pg. 207)
-
Jus Ad Bellum
-
Just Cause
-
Legitimate Authority
-
Proportionality of War
-
Chance of Success
-
Was as Last Resort
-
-
Jus In Bello
-
Military Necessity
-
Spare Noncombatants and Other Defenseless Persons
-
Proportional Means
-
Means not Immoral per se
-
-
-
"defense against provoked aggression is generally conceded to be a legitimate political objective justifying war" (pg. 206)
-
Morality and Weaponry (pg. 210)
-
"immoral weapons are those that are indiscriminate or cause needless suffering" (pg. 210)
-
"killing in war is supposed to be as humane as possible" (pg. 211)
-
-
-
-
Justice and Human Rights (pg. 212)
-
The Enlightenment (pg. 212)
-
"Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, and other classic social-contract theorists differ on the relative emphasis or importance each place on liberty, equality, community, and order, but a common theme is that human beings - the people - are the ultimate source of legitimate political authority in society" (pg. 212)
-
"the thirteenth-century English Magna Carta and the late eighteenth-century US Bill of Rights and French Declaration of the Rights of Man are documentary statements of aspirations to rights taking a political or legal form" (pg. 212)
-
-
-
Armed Intervention and State Sovereignty (pg. 216)
-
Criteria for Humanitarian Intervention (pg. 218)
-
"we can also identify at least five additional and often-competing criteria or factors typically weighed by policymakers considering armed intervention" (pg. 219)
-
Sovereignty
-
National Interest
-
Human Rights
-
Expected Net Effect on the Human Condition
-
Degree of Multilateralism
-
-
-
-
Alternative Images and Foreign Policy Choice (pg. 222)
-
"following Machiavelli, the realist sees national security as the national interest - at a minimum, survival in an anarchic world - as the raison d'état justifying state policy" (pg. 222)
-
"to liberals and more recent work in the English School, change should be (and usually is) evolutionary and incremental. If change is to be willed, then reformist, not revolutionary, measures typically are the appropriate ones" (pg. 222)
-
"liberal theories, given the fragmentation of states and proliferation of actors that are their starting point, focus on the formation of coalitions" (pg. 222)
-
"justice, especially distributive justice, is a central concern not only to a number of liberal but also to many economic structuralists" (pg. 222)
-
-
-
Rationality and Foreign Policy Choice (pg. 223)
-
"foreign policy choice is the domain in which moral and ethical values apply directly" (pg. 223)
-
"the rational model, often a critical element in realist thinking, amounts to policymakers' ordering of alternatives, making decisions, and taking actions to achieve the most efficient outcome in terms of ends to be sought" (pg. 223)
-
-
Values, Choices, and Theory (pg. 224)
-
"the image, set of assumptions, and interpretive understandings one holds concerning international relations do affect the sense one makes of 'facts' and the types of explanations or predictions one offers" (pg. 224)
-
-
-
Chapter 10 - The Ancients: Greek, Chinese, and Indian Thought (pg. 229)
-
"Plato and Aristotle focused mainly on domestic politics to include seeking a just society in an ideal Platonic republic, both ancient scholars identifying norms of right conduct by leaders and other citizens within a republic, polis, or city-state - the rule of law an ideal in itself" (pg. 229)
-
"it was the late-Greek and Roman Stoic writers, however, who developed notions of a community of humankind that transcended the boundaries of individual units, thus providing a conceptual basis for applying principles developed within a city-state or republic to the larger world" (pg. 230)
-
Homer, Herodotus, Sun Tzu, and Kautilya (pg. 230)
-
The Historical Context of Writings by Homer and Herodotus (pg. 230)
-
"security, if not an obsession, was at least a preoccupation for them" (pg. 231)
-
"kingship [was] not so much an office with certain duties as it [was] a social position" (pg. 232)
-
"extensive bureaucracies were not yet created" (pg. 232)
-
-
"Aristotle similarly characterized this ancient period, describing the village as a union of families and a city state as a union of villages" (pg. 232)
-
"[it was predominantly] self-sufficient and insular communities [that] had given way to hundreds of separate city-states" (pg. 232)
-
"these city-states typically consisted of an urban center and the agricultural land within several miles. Populations were small, numbering only in the thousands. As some families acquired larger plots of land, the size of the nobility increased" (pg. 232)
-
-
"with increased contact with the wider world came increased trade, but also warfare" (pg. 233)
-
-
Homer's Epic Poems (pg. 233)
-
"[Homer's] Iliad presents a vivid and tragic view of the world, depicting the impact of events on both humans and the divine" (pg. 234)
-
"[his] belief that gods or other supernatural forces do play a role is an early example of the determinist mode of thought, emphasizing as well chance phenomena or the uncertainty that surrounds human events" (pg. 235)
-
"the gods ultimately, and very often capriciously, determine[d] matters of life and death. Their constant intervention place[d] boundaries or limits on the ability of humans to control their fates" (pg. 234)
-
-
"coping with uncertainty or fortune and the issue of volition or free will are also recurrent themes in later writings on international politics" (pg. 235)
-
"in the Odyssey, Homer underscores the importance of physical, moral, and intellectual strength that allows humans to prevail in their competition with external forces" (pg. 235)
-
"while the Iliad is essentially a tragedy about war, the Odyssey is a romance" (pg. 235)
-
-
-
Herodotus - 'The Father of History' (pg. 235)
-
"the first half of his work concerns the rise of Persia, the second half focusing on the great conflict between Persia and Greece" (pg. 235)
-
"Herodotus is of interests to those of us who study international relations for at least three reasons" (pg. 236)
-
"first, conflict among different city-states, empires, and peoples is the pervasive theme throughout his work" (pg. 236)
-
"second, the primary interest of leaders has historically been the realist one of maintaining the security and autonomy of the state through the marshalling of a state's internal resources or by its participation in alliances" (pg. 236)
-
"finally, like Homer, Herodotus also was interested in how fate or the gods tended to frustrate the aspirations of statesmen and military leaders" (pg. 236)
-
-
"like Homer, Herodotus sees war as simply a fact of life, an occurrence as natural and inevitable as the changing of the seasons" (pg. 236)
-
"Herodotus' narrative repeatedly describes two basic approaches leaders can follow to maintain a state's security - by marshalling internal resources or through the creation of an alliance" (pg. 238)
-
"there is, therefore, strength in unity. Lack of unity undercuts the capability to provide for defense" (pg. 239)
-
"unity against an external security threat is enhanced if the threatened states have developed some sense of common identity" (pg. 240)
-
-
"Herodotus underscores the importance of a state controlling economic and military capabilities, key elements of power" (pg. 238)
-
"Herodotus also sees the nature of a social-political system as a potentially important capability" (pg. 238)
-
"Herodotus clearly thinks that the nature of a political-social system is a potential source of power that influences state behavior" (pg. 239)
-
-
"the important point is that…the constitution or political structure and associated norms affect significantly the behavior exhibited by a state and its agents" (pg. 239)
-
-
Sun Tzu (pg. 241)
-
"Sun Wu's advice is really a series of aphorisms and axioms" (pg. 242)
-
"it is the role of the commander or strategist to assess the relative importance of each component and, taken in combination, develop a strategy that can deceive an opponent" (pg. 243)
-
"once a plan or strategy of military engagement is developed, the key to successful implementation is to 'exploit the dynamic within' the plan to include opportunities that present themselves to the commander" (pg. 244)
-
"he repeats his adage that the skillful strategist ideally defeats the enemy without actually engaging in battle" (pg. 245)
-
-
Kautilya (pg. 246)
-
"[his] focus is on the art of government in the widest sense [where] the purpose of the state is threefold: protect it from external aggression, maintain law and order within the state, and safeguard the welfare of the people" (pg. 246)
-
"Kautilya, like Machiavelli, is especially concerned with the security and foreign policy of small states existing in a highly competitive international environment" (pg. 246)
-
"war is broadly defined to include four categories:" (pg. 247)
-
"war by diplomacy in which a king finds himself in a weaker military position and decides it is unwise to engage in battle" (pg. 247)
-
"open warfare which involves specifying time and place for battle and devising an appropriate strategy" (pg. 247)
-
"concealed warfare to include psychological warfare" (pg. 247)
-
"clandestine warfare designed to achieve the objective without actual battle" (pg. 247)
-
-
-
-
Thucydides and the Peloponnesian War (pg. 248)
-
"in effect, [Thucydides'] writings pick up where Herodotus left off. He diverged from his predecessor, however, in that his work has no role for gods, oracles, and omens" (pg. 248)
-
"Thucydides is interested in highlighting the difficulties of what could be termed the morality of exercising power" (pg. 248)
-
Historical Context (pg. 249)
-
"the Hellenic word of the fifth century BCE…[was] more akin to the Italian Renaissance city-state system than to modern states" (pg. 249)
-
"the city-state of Sparta was ruled by an aristocracy - considered by the Spartans to be an excellent form of government compared to the many tyrannies and oligarchs that rules elsewhere" (pg. 249)
-
"aristocracy depended upon participation of the upper class, accountability on the part of the individuals chosen to preside over the city-state, and a strong warrior caste" (pg. 249)
-
-
-
History of the Peloponnesian War: The Work Itself (pg. 251)
-
"'History of the Peloponnesian War' is a prime example of what has come to be known as the realist perspective" (pg. 252)
-
-
Analytical Insights from Thucydides (pg. 252)
-
"[Thucydides] makes a crucial distinction…between the underlying and the immediate causes of a given war" (pg. 252-253)
-
"the explanatory emphasis is on how the overall changing distribution or balance of power in the Greek system of city-states generated suspicion and distrust" (pg. 253)
-
-
"present-day theorists hypothesize that a critical, underlying cause of war…is Thucydides' emphasis on the link between the outbreak of war and a changing distribution of power in an international system they characterize as anarchic" (pg. 253)
-
"Thucydides is pessimistic about human nature" (pg. 254)
-
"Thucydides therefore emphasizes what many present-day realists refer to as a system-level explanation - identifying the increase in Athenian power relative to Sparta and other city-states as the underlying cause of the war" (pg. 255)
-
-
Cautionary Tales: Lessons Drawn by Thucydides from the Peloponnesian War (pg. 256)
-
Be War of Wars in Distant Lands
-
"the launching of the Sicilian campaign by Athens is a classic example of how pride, prejudice, impatience, and ignorance can result in a disastrous foreign policy decision" (pg. 256)
-
"sometimes the best foreign policy decision is to do nothing - putting one's reputation to the test against a distant power could have disastrous consequences if anything goes wrong" (pg. 257)
-
-
Dangers of a Punitive Peace
-
"restraint is not function of feeling sorry for the opposition, but is generally the result of a pragmatic calculation that showing mercy is in the long-term interest of the state" (pg. 259)
-
"in an opponent is forced 'to carry out the terms of an unequal treaty,' a thirst for revenge will result. Hence it is better for the victor to make 'peace on more moderate terms than his enemy expected,' reducing the desire for revenge" (pg. 260)
-
-
War Fever and a Fickle Public
-
"initial public enthusiasm for war is a common phenomenon in international politics" (pg. 261)
-
-
-
Thucydides and IR Theory (pg. 261)
-
"a case has been made that far from being a realist, Thucydides can be viewed as the first social constructivist due to the critical use of dialogues that frame security issues and influences policies through words" (pg. 261-262)
-
"much of his work consists of recounting arguments and debates [with] the assumption being that through this process a state can reach a decision that is in its best interests. This weighing of opposites is consistent, of course, with the Socratic method used by Plato" (pg. 262)
-
"Thucydides presents us with numerous examples of not only the problem of translating intentions into desired outcomes, but also the cognitive limitations of rational decision-making" (pg. 263)
-
"attempts by a state to enhance its own security breed suspicion and can result in an unanticipated and unwelcome outcome: other states may follow a similar logic, increasing the level of tension and suspicion throughout the international system" (pg. 264)
-
-
"there are three types of faulty perceptions discernable in the narrative of 'History of the Peloponnesian War':" (pg. 264)
-
"decision makers perceive the enemy to be more centralized and coordinated in its decision-making process than it actually is" (pg. 264)
-
"those in authority experience 'cognitive closure' as evidenced by a belief that few, if any, alternatives are open to them" (pg. 264)
-
"leaders engage in 'wishful thinking'" (pg. 264)
-
-
"social scientists interested in the cognitive process of decision makers claim all three contribute to flawed assessments of rivals, undercut a rational decision-making process, and increase the possibility of war during a crisis" (pg. 264)
-
“[there is] the tendency of decision makers to assume a high degree of coherence and ascribe a consistency to events that, in fact, lack these qualities. The greater the fear and suspicion one has of the adversary [or neighbor], the more likely this cognitive distortion will occur” (pg. 264)
-
"during the Corinthian speech designed to goad Sparta into war with Athens, Thucydides records a related psychological phenomenon - what we now refer to as the inherent bad faith model: no matter what a state may do, its actions are interpreted in the worst possible light because images, once developed, are highly resistant to change" (pg. 266)
-
"the corollary to this phenomenon is the tendency of decision makers to assume that their own benign intentions are self-evident to an adversary" (pg. 266)
-
-
"a state can enhance its security in one of two ways - by internal efforts to increase its capabilites and by joining an alliance" (pg. 268)
-
"by pooling resources, it is assumed that the security of each state will be enhanced at a lower cost than if each state attempts to provide its won security on a unilateral basis" (pg. 268)
-
-
"Thucydides notes that states may join one alliance or another due to compulsion, interest, moral principle, or cultural and racial affinity" (pg. 268)
-
"according to the balancing hypothesis, states join an alliance in order to oppose other states that are perceived to be a threat" (pg. 268)
-
"the bandwagoning hypothesis suggests the opposite. Faced with an external threat, states will accommodate and ally with the threatening state either to avoid being attacked or to share in the spoils of victory" (pg. 268)
-
"Thucydides records a number of instances in which neutral states join an alliance as soon as it is clear who is going to be the winner" (pg. 270)
-
"[thus,] leaders of alliances are faced with two potential trade-offs. Fear of either bandwagoning or loss of an ally might lead to a policy of capitulation or confrontation with the ally…[and] worries about his state's reputation and subsequent attempts to coerce allies into remaining in the alliance" (pg. 271)
-
-
-
-
Reflections on Thucydides (pg. 272)
-
"even though one may be pessimistic about basic, underlying human-nature, Thucydides reminds us that circumstances also matter" (pg. 272)
-
-
-
After Thucydides: Plato, Aristotle, and Polybius (pg. 273)
-
Historical Context (pg. 273)
-
"[Thucydides'] approach influenced three of the most famous Greek philosophers who wrote after him - Plato, Aristotle, and Polybius" (pg. 276)
-
-
Plato (pg. 276)
-
"it is in a number of Plato's dialogues…that we find dialectical reasoning - dealing with opposites - as they key method used by his great teacher Socrates" (pg. 276)
-
"hypothetical opposites or conflicting analyses are at the core of the critical and creative thinking that is so essential to theorizing" (pg. 276)
-
-
"while Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, and Jean-Jacques Rousseau…are interested in the problem of sovereignty - who should be the final authority and why the individual citizen should obey it - Glaucon [one of the participants in Plato's famous dialogue in 'The Republic'] is concerned with establishing a morally justifiable as well as political basis of mutual obligation" (pg. 277)
-
"suspicion, if not hostility, to the world beyond the city-state is typical of both Plato and Aristotle, who viewed the polis as the supreme form of organization because it was created by human beings acting in accordance with their own nature" (pg. 278)
-
"analyzing the relation between power and justice is…one of Plato's primary concerns" (pg. 279)
-
"Plato understandably has been characterized as an 'idealist'" (pg. 280)
-
"the works of Aristotle, however, seem to be not only of a more practical or pragmatic nature than Plato's, but also more optimistic about what leaders can achieve" (pg. 280)
-
-
Aristotle (pg. 280)
-
"Aristotle's work influenced later scholars interested in international relations in at least three ways - through his conceptual and empirical approach to political phenomena, his detailed examination of different types of state constitutions and the causes of instability, and his writings on economics" (pg. 281)
-
"Plato believes all objects have a perfect form or ideal essence; such perfection could never be achieved but only approximated empirically in the world in which we live" (pg. 281)
-
"Aristotle…believes that things were continually moving toward their full completeness and, through this natural process, perfection could be achieved" (pg. 281)
-
"what is of interest for our purposes, however, is that in Aristotle's detailed examination of various states and constitutions, the reason he offers for their downfall almost always stems from internal factors. External or international factors generally play little if any role at all" (pg. 282)
-
"it is apparent that, for Aristotle, good government, the theme of his book, is the really critical source of security" (pg. 284)
-
-
Polybius (pg. 285)
-
"he notes that there are two kinds of falsehood, the one being the result of ignorance and the other intentional" (pg. 288)
-
"Polybius recognizes the importance of factors in the external environment that surround and empire, city-state, or other political unit" (pg. 289)
-
"Polybius leans toward the voluntarism that allows human will to be decisive" (pg. 290)
-
"Polybius tries to strike a balance between voluntarist explanations that depend on human volition or choice and determinist formulations by which events or outcomes are produced by external factors seemingly beyond the capability of individuals to control" (pg. 291)
-
-
"Polybius places considerable emphasis on how a favorable constitution enhances the capabilities of a city-state or empire in relation to other political units" (pg. 291)
-
-
-
-
International Relations Theory (Part 4)
-
General Notes:
-
Chapter 11 - Greco-Roman Roman Thought and the Middle Ages (pg. 295)
-
The Roman Empire and the Development of Greco-Roman Thought (pg. 295)
-
The Greek Stoics (pg. 298)
-
"although acceptance of one's circumstances and self-reliance are dominant elements in Stoic philosophy as it related to individuals, it is the cosmopolitan notion that we are all part of a larger community of humanity that is of particular relevance to IR theory" (pg. 298)
-
"Stoic philosophy is at the core of contemporary liberal thought, which sees the world as made up not only of states, but also of individuals, groups, and other non-state actors" (pg. 298)
-
"Stoicism did not develop a theory of the state or of state action. Rather, the emphasis was on the individual, not as a member of an organized political unit…but as an independent actor" (pg. 298)
-
"according to the Stoics, the ability to reason is a quality shared by all humans" (pg. 298)
-
"reason is viewed as a divine spark, reflecting the God within us. Indeed, God is viewed as the author of these laws of nature and the universe" (pg. 298-299)
-
-
"to a certain extent nature determines the course of an individual's life, but an individual has a certain amount of free will as well" (pg. 299)
-
"the ideal state is a world state with universal citizenship and one system of law based on reason as opposed to custom and convention" (pg. 299)
-
"the Stoic emphasis is on what united humanity, not what divided it. Laws of nature bind the world together, transcending the laws of any particular state or empire" (pg. 299)
-
-
-
The Roman Stoics (pg. 299)
-
"the organizing principle by which Rome managed imperial affairs was a universal image of humanity that transcended the boundaries of city-states and other small political units" (pg. 300)
-
"the ideas of natural law (jus naturale) and a law commonly binding on all peoples (jus gentium) are important Roman contributions that have had profound influence on Western political thought" (pg. 300)
-
-
Cicero (pg. 300)
-
"Cicero believed law is based on rational principles and that human reason exercised rightly is the means by which one discovers the law in nature" (pg. 302)
-
"Cicero also contributes to the realist perspective on international relations" (pg. 303)
-
"maintaining domestic order or stability is part of the overall responsibility political leaders have for security of the state" (pg. 303)
-
-
-
Seneca and Marcus Aurelius (pg. 304)
-
"reason allows us to find patterns" (pg. 309)
-
"not everything is determined for us. It is still a world in which individuals matter and what they do matters" (pg. 309)
-
-
Titus Livy (pg. 309)
-
"Livy's first ten books were the subject of Machiavelli's 'The Discourse'" (pg. 310)
-
"to Livy, war seems to be the product of rational choice" (pg. 311)
-
"Livy identifies the important economic underpinnings of military capability that contribute to the power of the state" (pg. 311)
-
"as is also argued by present-day realists, Livy observes how forming alliances can increase one's power, reduce external threats, and enhance security" (pg. 312)
-
"Livy is often associated with realist thought" (pg. 313)
-
"in Livy's view, divisiveness of any kind may weaken the state, exposing it to the threat of foreign invasion" (pg. 314)
-
"[Livy] agrees…that domestic factors affect the security of the state. The strength or power of the state depends in part upon the legitimacy and cohesiveness of the political regime" (pg. 314)
-
"to Livy the ultimate power in the state rests with the people rather than with an individual ruler who is merely exercising authority gained from this popular support" (pg. 314)
-
-
-
-
The Middle Ages (pg. 318)
-
"the decline and fall of the Roman Empire and the resulting decentralization of authority produced a high degree of pluralism in western Europe" (pg. 318)
-
Historical Context (pg. 318)
-
"kingdoms still existed, but administratively they lacked efficient bureaucracies and permanent military forces. As a result, kings generally had little power over local barons" (pg. 320)
-
"feudalism, the preeminent form of authority that emerged earlier but became particularly evident by the tenth century, was a political, social, and economic response to the disorder and confusion resulting from the collapse of the Roman Empire" (pg. 320)
-
"a defining characteristic of feudalism is public authority placed in private hands" (pg. 320)
-
"territorial borders were fluid, and relations between kingdoms were a function of dynastic connections" (pg. 322)
-
-
"by the twelfth century…three trends were particularly important:" (pg. 322)
-
Monetarization
-
Systematization
-
Bureaucratization
-
-
"in 1706 Pope Gregory VII and the German Emperor Henry IV were engaged in a power struggle. The Emperor initially deposed the pope who, in turn, excommunicated and then deposed the emperor. Their struggle ended with the emperor's unconditional surrender to the pope…the emperor stood barefoot in the winter cold outside the gate of one of the pope's palaces [where] he was forced to wait three days before being granted an audience, whereupon he pledge complete submission to the pope and was pardoned" (pg. 324-325)
-
-
Medieval Writers (pg. 326)
-
"Augustine, Thomas Aquinas, and Dante have all been labeled 'utopians'" (pg. 327)
-
-
-
-
Chapter 12 - The Rise of the State and Modern Political Thought (pg. 337)
-
The Renaissance, Reformation, and the Rise of the State (pg. 337)
-
Historical Context (pg. 337)
-
"the Renaissance and the Protestant Reformation were two immensely important developments that began in the mid-fifteenth century and continued for more than one hundred years" (pg. 338)
-
"taken together, they were the twin cradle of modernity" (pg. 338)
-
-
"the Renaissance, generally associated with western Europe's cultural rebirth, contained ethical and humanistic overtones and tended to glorify the individual" (pg. 338)
-
"the Thirty Years' War was really three wars" (pg. 339)
-
"first, the imperial civil war that ended with the Peace of Prague in 1635"
-
"second, the western war that pitted Spain against the Netherlands and France"
-
"finally, the Baltic war that was fought mainly on German soil and at various times involving Denmark and Sweden" (pg. 339)
-
-
"the emergence of the territorial state [was] the primary political unit in Europe by 1660" (pg. 339)
-
"with the realignment of territorial borders, the concept of sovereignty of the state emerged, increasingly becoming the latest principle of the newly developing, state-based political order" (pg. 340)
-
"the Peace of Westphalia provided a practical basis for establishing the idea of sovereignty that had been part of intellectual discourse in the previous century" (pg. 340)
-
-
"the development of state trading companies and banks were part of mercantilism, the dominant economic doctrine of the seventeenth century" (pg. 340)
-
"that there is an international 'society' of states with commonly accepted rules or law to guide their conduct…is core to present-day English School thinking" (pg. 341)
-
-
Machiavelli (pg. 342)
-
"the purpose of politics is not to make men virtuous; nor is the purpose of the state to pursue some ethical, religious, metaphysical end…rather politics is the means to pursue and enhance the internal and external security of the state" (pg. 342)
-
-
Republics and Security (pg. 343)
-
"according to Machiavelli, the key virtue of a republic that aids stability is its flexibility" (pg. 344)
-
-
Thomas More (pg. 349)
-
"More is typically associated with the socialist idealism" (pg. 349)
-
-
Botero and 'Reason of State' (pg. 350)
-
"the development of a legitimating theory of statecraft that restrained dynastic exuberance and defined political interest in practical terms came to be known as 'raison d'etat' or reason of state - the justification states invoke for their conduct" (pg. 350)
-
"Raison d'etat is the fundamental principle of national conduct, the State's first Law of Motion" - Friedrich Meinecke (pg. 350)
-
-
"in medieval times there was a greater fluidity of relations than after the rise of states" (pg. 351)
-
-
Hobbes (pg. 352)
-
"Hobbes' view of natural law…is a view of international relations that sees sovereignty chiefly in terms of its internal aspects with much less attention paid to the sovereignty of a state in relation to other sovereign states" (pg. 353)
-
-
Sovereignty (pg. 357)
-
"[sovereignty] is a social construction that developed philosophically over time in response to states needing to establish their authority and exercise power" (pg. 357)
-
"the notion of sovereignty as the basis of state authority has been termed the constitutional justification for the state's exercise of power" (pg. 357)
-
"men do not wield or submit to sovereignty. They wield or submit to authority or power" - F. H. Hinsley [The Concept of Sovereignty and the Relations Between States on JSTOR]
-
-
"the ancient Greeks did not have a need to develop the idea of sovereignty because the concept of polis did not distinguish between the community and the state" (pg. 358)
-
-
Bodin (pg. 358)
-
"the critical formulation of [the] doctrine of internal sovereignty comes from Frenchman Jean Bodin's 'Six Books on the State'" (pg. 358) [six_books.pdf (yorku.ca)]
-
"he agrees with Machiavelli and Hobbes that some centralized authority wielding unlimited power is needed" (pg. 359)
-
"Bodin defines sovereignty as 'the absolute and perpetual power of the state, that is, the greatest power to command'" (pg. 359)
-
"Bodin makes an important distinction between 'government' and 'state'. A particular government exercises sovereign functions for a period of time. Sovereignty itself, however, is unlimited and perpetual…[and] continues as long as the state exists" (pg. 359)
-
-
"the concept of internal sovereignty refers to final and absolute authority within the state and society, while the concept of sovereignty as applied to relations among states involves the principle that no supreme authority exists over and above a collection of states" (pg. 359-360)
-
"while internal sovereignty works to aid domestic unity, sovereignty in its external manifestations reinforces state independence or autonomy vis-a-vis other states" (pg. 360)
-
-
External Sovereignty (pg. 358)
-
"by the end of the seventeenth century, there were four schools of thought on international relations" (pg. 360)
-
"first, there were conservative writers who were part of a pluralist-unity-despite-diversity school of thought" (pg. 361)
-
"these were individuals who continued to cling to the medieval notion of the European international system as a single society in which divine and natural law…imposed common rights and duties on all states" (pg. 361)
-
-
"second, legal positivists…emphasize the autonomy of the state and argue that international law could and should exist" (pg. 361)
-
"thirdly, so-called naturalists…argue that international political society cannot be created through the introduction of positivist - humanly constructed - international law" (pg. 361)
-
"the final school of thought that we could term the Bodin-Grotian perspective sees the need to reconcile the internal sovereignty of the autonomous state with the notion of an international community" (pg. 361)
-
-
-
Grotius (pg. 360)
-
"Grotius combines two strands of thought, believing manmade and natural laws can both contribute to a tempering of conflict among states" (pg. 362)
-
"according to natural law, human beings in the state of nature are equal and free with no superior authority above them. States, by the same natural law, are also free and equal" (pg. 362)
-
"but just as individuals cannot live in isolation as they are not sufficient unto themselves and must associate with one another in order to survive, so, too, must states. This requires augmenting the basic laws of nature through the creation of the law of nations based on custom, consent, or contract" (pg. 362)
-
-
"Grotius argues that there are three justifiable reasons for going to war: 'defense, recovery of property, and punishment'" (pg. 363)
-
"Grotius dramatically differs from Hobbes in that he believes states are subject to the law of nations, and that the observance of this international law is in the self-interest of states" (pg. 363)
-
-
-
Eighteenth- and Nineteenth-Century Thinking on International Relations (pg. 365)
-
"whether or to what degree structure (or lack of it) in the international environment affects the nature and behavior of states is a question addressed by Montesquieu, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, and Immanuel Kant" (pg. 365)
-
The Enlightenment (pg. 368)
-
"there is another important element of Enlightenment thought that moves one from the realm of analysis to the realm of action: rational individuals can exercise reason to create eventually an environment reflecting the revealed laws of nature" (pg. 368)
-
"by rejecting the idea of original sin and the assumption of innate aggressiveness, these writers argue that the failings attributed to human nature are not inborn, but rather the result of a corrupt environment" (pg. 369)
-
-
Montesquieu (pg. 369)
-
"he is also more in tune with Machiavelli about the effect of both necessity and choice in the formation of laws" (pg. 370)
-
"law in general is human reason, inasmuch, as it governs all the inhabitants of the earth" - Montesquieu (pg. 370)
-
"there are intellectual links among Montesquieu, Rousseau, and Kant" (pg. 371)
-
"all three men…[believe] that the domestic character of a state and its society does influence its behavior internationally" (pg. 371)
-
-
"to regulate their conduct, Montesquieu writes, nations 'have laws relative to their natural intercourse, which is what we call the law of nations'" (pg. 371)
-
"his realism is evident in his acceptance of the diversity of states and a view of international law that conceives of states as unitary actors pursuing their respective national interests" (pg. 372)
-
"and a central interest for all nations is their preservation" (pg. 372)
-
-
-
Rousseau (pg. 372)
-
"individuals escape the state of nature by way of a mutually beneficial agreement or social contract" (pg. 373)
-
"Rousseau's state of nature is an egocentric world" (pg. 373)
-
"man's first sentiment was that of his own existence; his first concern was that of his preservation" - Rousseau in his 'Discourse on the Origin of Inequality' (pg. 373) [Discourse on Inequality (aub.edu.lb)]
-
"If a deer was to be taken, every one saw that, in order to succeed, he must abide faithfully by his post: but if a hare happened to come within the reach of any one of them, it is not to be doubted that he pursued it without scruple, and, having seized his prey, cared very little, if by so doing he caused his companions to miss theirs" - Rousseau in his 'Discourse on the Origin of Inequality' (pg. 373) [Discourse on Inequality (aub.edu.lb)]
-
-
"to Rousseau, therefore, the structure and values of the social setting (to include the international environment) have a great deal to do with the behavior of individuals (and states) within it" (pg. 373)
-
"[Rousseau believes] sovereignty cannot be divided into parts; it 'is indivisible for the same reason that it is inalienable. For either the will is general, or it is not'" (pg. 374)
-
-
Kant (pg. 376)
-
"he rejects the idea that the transformation of world politics is either imminent or easy to achieve. For him, the sovereign state is a reality, and any plan to deal with international anarchy must take states into account" (pg. 376)
-
-
-
-
-
Further Readings:
-
A Study of War, by Q. Wright
-
Politics Among Nations, by H. Morgenthau
-
Man, the State and War, by K. Waltz
-
The Prince, by N. Machiavelli
-
The Tragedy of Great Power Politics, by J. Mearsheimer
-
The Great Delusion, by J. Mearsheimer
-
Statistics of Deadly Quarrels, by L. Richardson
-
The War Trap, by B. de Mesquita
-
The War Puzzle, by J. Vasquez
-
The Causes of War, by M. Howard
-
Ways of War and Peace, by M. Doyle
-
Causes of War, by S. Van Evera
-
Revolution and War, by S. Walt
-
The Origins of Alliances, by S. Walt
-
Nationalism, Liberalism and Progress, by E. Haas
-
The Scientific Study of Foreign Policy, by J. Rosenau
-
Turbulence in World Politics: A Theory of Change and Continuity, by J. Rosenau
-
Thinking Theory Thoroughly: Coherent Approaches To An Incoherent World, by J. Rosenau
-
The Russian Struggle For Power, 1914-1917: A Study Of Russian Foreign Policy During The First World War, by C. J. Smith
-
Realism and International Politics, by K. Waltz
-
Strategic Rivalries in World Politics, by M. Colaresi & K. Rasler & W. Thompson
-
Philosophy and Natural Science, by C. G. Hempel
-
Methodology of the Social Sciences, by M. Weber
-
The Long Telegram, by G. Kennan [116178.pdf (wilsoncenter.org)]
-
The Sources of Soviet Conduct, by G. Kennan ['The sources of Soviet conduct' from <i>Foreign Affairs</i> (July 1947) (cvce.eu)]
-
American Diplomacy, by G. Kennan
-
The Twenty Years' Crisis (1919 - 1939), by E. H. Carr
-
The Hell of Good Intentions: America's Foreign Policy Elite and the Decline of U.S. Primacy, by S. Walt
-
Moral Man and Immoral Society: A Study of Ethics and Politics, by R. Niebuhr
-
The Nature and Destiny of Man, by R. Niebuhr
-
Political Realism and Political Idealism, by J. Herz
-
The Return of the Theorists, ed. By R. N. Lebow
-
Paradox of American Power, by J. Nye
-
Discord and Collaboration: Essays on International Politics, by A. Wolfers
-
The Sources of Military Doctrine, by B. Posen
-
The Origins of Major Wars, by D. Copeland
-
Explaining War: Correlates of War Project, by J. D. Singer
-
The Rise and Fall of Great Powers, by P. Kennedy
-
Social Theory of International Politics, by A. Wendt
-
The End of Liberalism: Ideology, Policy, and the Crisis of Public Authority, by T. Lowi
-
The Government Process, by D. Truman
-
A Preface to Democratic Theory, by R. Dahl
-
Turbulence in World Politics, by J. Rosenau
-
Transnational Relations in World Politics, ed. By J. Nye Jr. & R. Keohane
-
Power and Interdependence, by J. Nye Jr. & R. Keohane
-
International Institutions and State Power: Essays in International Relations Theory, ed. By R. Keohane
-
Perception and Misperception in International Politics, by R. Jervis
-
Between Peace and War, by R. N. Lebow
-
Victims of Groupthink, by I. Janis
-
Essence of Decision, by G. Allison
-
When Knowledge is Power: Three Modes of Change in International Politics, by E. Haas
-
Failing to Win: Perceptions of Victory and Defeat in International Politics, by D. Johnson & D. Tierney
-
Theory of Cognitive Dissonance, by L. Festinger
-
Ideas, Interests, and American Trade Policy, by J. Goldstein
-
Foreign Policy Decision-Making, by V. Hudson & D. Chollet & J. Goldgeier
-
Ideas and Foreign Policy: Beliefs, Institutions, and Political Change, ed. By J. Goldstein and R. Keohane
-
Globalisation: A Critical Introduction, by J. A. Scholte
-
The End of History and the Last Man, by F. Fukuyama
-
Marxism: For and Against, by R. Heilbroner
-
Marxism and Social Science, ed. By A. Gamble & D. Marsh & T. Tant
-
World-System Analysis: Theory and Methodology, ed. By T. Hopkins & I. Wallerstein
-
World System Structure, ed. By W. Hollist, J. Rosenau
-
Imperialism: A Study, by J. A. Hobson
-
The Lenin Anthology, by R. C. Tucker
-
The Modern World System (4 vols.), by I. Wallerstein
-
Prison Notebooks, by A. Gramsci
-
Selections From the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci, ed. By Q. Hoare & G. N. Smith [Selections from Prison Notebooks (abahlali.org)]
-
Postcolonial Theory: A Critical Introduction, by L. Gandhi
-
Postcolonialism: A Historical Introduction, by R. J. C. Young
-
The English School: An Underexploited Resource in IR, by B. Buzan [11357358.pdf (fes.de)]
-
Diplomatic Investigations: Essays in the Theory of International Politics, by H. Butterfield
-
The Expansion of International Society, by H. Bull & A. Watson
-
International Theory: Three Traditions, by M. Wright
-
The English School of International Relations, by A. Linklater & H. Suganami
-
Inventing International Society: A History of the English School, by T. Dunne
-
Contending Approaches to International Politics, ed. By K. Knorr & J. Rosenau
-
The Anarchical Society: A Study of Order in World Politics, by H. Bull
-
The Evolution of International Society, by A. Watson
-
International Systems in World History: Remaking the Study of International Relations, by B. Buzan & R. Little
-
From International Order to World Society? English School Theory and the Social Structure of Globalization, by B. Buzan
-
International Society and Its Critics, ed. By A. J. Bellamy
-
Kant Bibliography [9781441112576_bibliography.pdf (bloomsbury.com)]
-
Methodology of the Social Sciences, by M. Weber
-
Constructing the World Polity, by J. G. Reggie
-
Constructivism and the Problem of Explanation, by D. Dessler & J. Owen
-
The Culture of National Security: Norms and Identity in International Politics, ed. By P. Katzenstein
-
National Interests in International Society, by M. Finnemore
-
Constructing National Interests: The United States and the Cuban Missile Crisis, by J. Weldes
-
International Relations in a Constructed World, ed. By V. Kubalkova & N. Onuf & P. Kowert
-
Constructivism and International Relations, ed. By S. Guzzini & A. Leander
-
Metapolitics: A Brief Inquiry into the Conceptual Language, by A. J. Gregor
-
The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, by T. S. Kuhn
-
The Methodology of Scientific Research Programmes: Philosophical Papers, ed. By J. Worrall & G. Currie
-
Experimental Phenomenology, by D. Ihde
-
State Identities and the Homogenization of Peoples, by H. Rae
-
The Transformation of Political Community, by A. Linklater
-
Neorealism and its Critics, ed. By R. Keohane
-
International/Intertextual Relations: Postmodern Readings of World Politics, ed. By J. Der Derian & M. J. Shapiro
-
Art/Museums: International Relations Where You Least Expect It, by C. Sylvester
-
Inside/Outside: International Relations as Political Theory, by R. B. J. Walker
-
History of the Peloponnesian War, by Thucydides [The Project Gutenberg eBook of The History of the Peloponnesian War, by Thucydides]
-
Perception and Misperception in International Politics, by R. Jervis [Perception and Misperception in International Politics (usp.br)]
-
The Republic, by Plato [classics.mit.edu/Plato/republic.mb.txt]
-
Masters of War: Classical Strategic Thought, by M. Handel
-
Strategy, by B. H. Liddell Hart
-
The Evolution of Strategy: Thinking War from Antiquity to the Present, by B. Heuser
-
The Great Dialogue: History of Greek Political Thought from Homer to Polybius, by D. Kagan
-
Systems of State, by M. Wight
-
Great Political Thinkers, by W. Ebenstein
-
The History of Western Philosophy, by B. Russell
-
A History of Political Theory, by G. H. Sabine
-
History of Political Philosophy, ed. By L. Strauss & J. Cropsey
-
The Protestant Reformation, by L. W. Spitz
-
The New Image of the Common Man, by C. J. Friedrich
-
Anthropology of Law, by F. Pirie
-
War, by A. Clapham
-
Brierly's Law of Nations: An Introduction to the Role of International Law in International Relations, by A. Clapman
-
Machiavellism: The Doctrine of Raison D'état and Its Place in Modern History, by F. Meinecke
-
Sovereignty, by F. H. Hinsley
-
Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy, by S. D. Krasner
-
The Concept of Sovereignty and the Relations Between States, by F. H. Hinsely [The Concept of Sovereignty and the Relations Between States on JSTOR]
-
A Lasting Peace Through the Federation of Europe And, The State of War, by J. Rousseau [A Lasting Peace Through the Federation of Europe - Google Books]
-
Discourse on the Origin of Inequality, by J. Rousseau [Discourse on Inequality (aub.edu.lb)]
-
Rousseau on War and Peace, by S. Hoffmann [Rousseau on War and Peace on JSTOR]
-